Form in Indian Popular Music
Hanisha Kulothparan and David Temperley
KEYWORDS: Popular music, Indian music, Bollywood, form, pop/rock, verse, chorus
ABSTRACT: Formal structures in post-millennial Indian popular music represent an evolving fusion of Western and Indigenous traditions. We begin with an overview of formal conventions in twentieth-century Indian popular song, followed by a brief review of formal conventions in Western pop/rock. We then offer some corpus data regarding formal structures in Indian popular songs from 1980 to the present. Before 2000, most songs began with the pattern chorus–instrumental–verse–chorus, or C–I–V–C. After 2000, a more heterogenous situation emerges: while some songs retain the earlier formal pattern, many songs precede it with a verse, creating the pattern V1–C–I–V2–C, where V1 and V2 differ in melody and harmony. We argue that this reflects a fusion of Western verse–chorus form and Indigenous formal conventions. Examining the internal structures of song sections sheds further light on the formal complexity of Indian film song and its integration of Western formal patterns. In the final section, we focus on an aspect of post-millennial song form that seems to us to be of particular analytical interest: the use of musically contrasting verses.
DOI: 10.30535/mto.32..0
Copyright © 2026 Society for Music Theory
[1.1] Popular music of the non-Western world has been an active area of research in ethnomusicology for several decades but has only recently begun to attract attention from a music-theoretical perspective. One area that has been largely neglected is formal structure. Very few studies of non-Western popular music have given any kind of sustained treatment to issues of form. This neglect is a stark contrast to the extensive literature on form in Western pop and rock, which has been the subject of numerous articles and books. Analytical discussions of non-Western songs sometimes borrow terms from Western popular music, such as “verse” and “chorus,” without any further explanation (e.g., Taylor 1997, 132, 140; Cheng 2023, 189–91; Kim 2023, 88). This would seem to imply that formal patterns in these styles generally follow the norms of pop/rock and related Western styles. In some non-Western genres, this may well be true. With Indian popular music, however, the situation is far more complex. We will argue here that popular music of modern India exhibits a rich and elaborate set of formal conventions that can be viewed as an evolving fusion of Western and Indigenous traditions.
[1.2] Consider the song “Balam Pichkari” (2013), from the movie Yeh Jawaani Hai Deewani, composed by Pritam Chakraborty. Example 1 presents the first large section of the song, following an instrumental introduction. The lyrics are in Hindi (as in all of our examples); an English translation is also shown. (In all of our examples, audio is provided for sections of the song; a link to a video of the complete song is provided in the caption.) In many respects, the section shown in Example 1 resembles a typical Western verse–chorus structure (or verse–prechorus–chorus)—what is sometimes called a “verse-chorus unit” (VCU) (Temperley 2018). The section begins with an eight-measure passage sung by a female vocalist; each four-measure phrase starts and ends on the tonic harmony, D minor. These eight measures lead to a contrasting four-measure phrase, sung by a male vocalist. This phrase de-emphasizes tonic harmony, placing it only on weak metrical positions—a typical feature of prechoruses (de Clercq 2012, 91; de Clercq 2017b; Temperley 2018, 167–68; Nobile 2020, 94–95). In the final eight measures, tonic harmony is once again emphasized, the texture thickens with a vocal ensemble replacing the soloists, and the lyrics introduce the song’s title phrase, “Balam pichkari.” Emphasis on tonic harmony, ensemble vocals, and use of the song title are all characteristic features of Western choruses (de Clercq 2012, 40–42; Temperley 2018, 158–62; Nobile 2020, 71). The eight-measure phrase shown in the example is repeated, with the same lyrics; internal repetition of lyrics is, again, a standard feature of the Western chorus (de Clercq 2012, 46; Temperley 2018, 160). In all of these respects, the section resembles a typical Western VCU. [Example 1 approximately here] [1.3] An instrumental section follows the first VCU, leading to the section shown in Example 2. In some respects, this section resembles another VCU. However, it begins with a completely different verse (labeled here as Verse 2), featuring not only new lyrics, as is typical in Western pop, but also a different melody and harmonic progression. The male vocalist sings the first half of this verse, followed by the female vocalist. The sections that follow repeat the first VCU’s prechorus and chorus, though the prechorus has different lyrics. After a second instrumental section, one final VCU occurs, with the same melody and harmonic progression as Example 2, though the verse has different lyrics. If we include each prechorus with the preceding verse, the structure of the song as a whole is V1 C I V2 C I V2 C. [Example 2 approximately here] [1.4] This kind of structure—in which a song begins with two verse-chorus units featuring completely different verses—is common in post-millennial Indian popular music, as we will show. As far as we are aware, this pattern has no parallel in any kind of Western popular music. One might be tempted to describe Example 2 as a “bridge,” a term often used in Western music to denote a contrasting section following a verse and chorus. But Example 2 is quite unlike a typical Western bridge. Bridges in pre-millennial pop/rock typically de-emphasize tonic harmony (de Clercq 2012, 71–72; de Clercq 2017b; Temperley 2018, 67; Nobile 2020, 107–12); in Example 2, by contrast, tonic harmony is just as prominent as it is in the verse of Example 1. In post-millennial Western pop, bridges most often use the same harmonic progression or “loop” as the preceding verse and chorus (Peres 2016, 8, 65; Stroud 2022, [2.1], [3.1]; Barna forthcoming); that is not the case in Example 2 either. In addition, it is extremely rare in Western pop for the bridge to follow just a single VCU; normally it would follow two such units and would then lead to a final occurrence of the chorus (or perhaps a complete VCU), which is not the case here (Temperley 2018, 153). What we have here, then, is a formal convention unlike anything in Western popular music. [1.5] In this article we offer a study of form in modern Indian popular music. We begin with an overview of formal conventions in twentieth-century Indian popular song, followed by a brief review of formal conventions in Western pop/rock. We then offer some corpus data regarding formal structures in Indian popular songs from 1980 to the present. This data shows that a significant change occurs around 2000: while most pre-millennial songs begin with a chorus, post-millennial songs usually begin with a verse. In other respects, post-millennial songs continue to adhere to earlier norms. Thus, post-millennial song form reflects a blend of Western and earlier Indian formal conventions. Examining the internal structure of song sections sheds further light on the formal complexity of Indian popular song and its integration of Western conventions. In the final section, we focus on an aspect of post-millennial song form that seems to us to be of particular analytical interest: the use of musically contrasting verses. [1.6] A few general points are needed before we proceed. Our use of the term “Indian popular music” is an oversimplification; popular music in India shows the same kind of diversity that we find in the United States and other Western countries. The most popular (i.e., commercially successful) form of music in modern India is film music—what is sometimes called “Bollywood music” or simply “Bollywood”; this is our focus in the current study. Using the term “Bollywood” to describe Indian film music is, again, an oversimplification. India has several regional film industries and associated song repertoires, corresponding roughly to different languages: these include Bollywood (Hindi), Kollywood (Tamil), Mollywood (Malayalam), Tollywood (Telugu), and several smaller ones. Hindi is the dominant language in northern India; other languages are spoken in various areas of the south. The film industries in India are deeply interconnected. Music directors, singers, actors, directors and producers often work across languages and regions, with many songs being adapted or reused in multiple regional films. Since many music directors and musicians contribute to films across different industries, it seems likely that the formal conventions of Bollywood music would also be found in the other genres of Indian film music mentioned above, though we do not explore them here. [1.7] Attribution is often a difficult issue in studies of popular music, and Indian film music is no exception. In Western popular music, songs are most often attributed to the performing artist or group, who may be the songwriters but often are not; scholarly studies generally do the same. In Indian film music, by contrast, songs are most strongly associated with the film they are drawn from and the music directors who compose them, rather than with performers; we follow that practice here. Film songs are usually sung by “playback singers,” with the on-screen actors lip-syncing the words. [1.8] Our use of formal terms borrowed from Western popular music—such as “verse” and “chorus”—also deserves comment. We recognize that the application of Western theoretical terms to non-Western music runs the risk of forcing such music into a Western framework and obscuring its distinctive features. As we have already indicated, however, our aim in this study is to highlight both the similarities and differences between Indian and Western popular music. We believe that Western terms can be useful in bringing out these similarities and differences. Moreover, there is no obvious alternative: terminology for formal categories in Indian popular music is not standardized and varies across languages. Practitioners of Indian popular music sometimes use Western terms, as we discuss below. [1.9] We know of no published discussion of form in post-millennial Indian popular music. Existing scholarly discussions of form in Indian popular song have focused on the pre-millennial era; we say more about these discussions in section 2. Mekala Padmanabhan (2017b) discusses post-millennial Carnatic (south Indian) popular music but asserts that the traditional formal structures have “remained intact, albeit with some modifications” (341) without elaborating further. Discussions of song structure in post-millennial Indian popular music can also be found online. Some of these treatments view post-millennial song form from the perspective of traditional Indian song, using conventional Indigenous terms and disregarding possible Western influence. Other treatments are based entirely on Western norms. The School of Bollywood Music (2026), for example, represents Bollywood formal patterns as alternations between verses and choruses, but does not mention that the verses tend to differ musically (unlike in Western popular music). We have found no discussion that recognizes post-millennial Indian song form as a blend of Western and Indigenous formal conventions, which is our argument here. 2. Form in Twentieth-Century Bollywood Music [2.1] Form in pre-millennial Indian film song has been discussed by several previous authors (Beaster-Jones 2015; Padmanabhan 2017a; Sarrazin 2020); our discussion here largely follows these earlier accounts. By general agreement, the Bollywood song style grew out of North Indian classical music (also known as Hindustani music), especially khyal, the dominant twentieth-century classical form; descriptions of Bollywood form usually employ classical Indian terms. Bollywood songs generally feature an alternation between a mukhra section, which repeats with unchanging lyrics, and an antara section, which repeats with changing lyrics; antaras in a song sometimes differ in melody and harmonic progression as well. Most often, a song begins with the mukhra, followed by an instrumental section (often called “background music” or just “music”), then an antara and another mukhra. This sequence of instrumental–antara–mukhra may then be repeated one or two more times until the song ends with a mukhra. After the initial occurrence of the mukhra, subsequent occurrences are often shortened. [2.2] Jayson Beaster-Jones (2015) analyzes the form of one song, “Awaz De Kahan Hai” (1946) from Anmol Ghadi (composed by Naushad), but does not transcribe it; we have transcribed it in Example 3. Like many Bollywood songs, it is a duet between a man and a woman. The mukhra itself could be analyzed as Ma–Mb–Ma; occurrences of the mukhra after the first one include only Ma. The two antaras differ melodically (only the beginning of the second one is shown). The latter part of each antara repeats the Mb section of the mukhra, but with different lyrics. The song’s overall form could be described as M–I–A1–Ma–I–A2–Ma. The instrumental section after the first mukhra is just two measures, but it seems formally important; an interlude at this point in the form is almost obligatory, and it grows into a more substantial section in later years. [Example 3 approximately here] [2.3] The basic formal pattern outlined above, and reflected in “Awaz De Kahan Hai,” is the dominant one in twentieth-century Bollywood songs. Natalie Rose Sarrazin (2020) analyzes the 1971 song “Yeh Shaam Mastani” from Kati Patang (composed by Rahul Dev Burman), which reflects another variant of this pattern; in this case the antaras are all the same melodically and the mukhras are all complete, yielding the form M–I–A1–M–I–A1–M–I–A1–M. This formal scheme remains common until the end of the century, as we will show. [2.4] Mukhra–antara form has a loose parallel with Western verse–chorus form, in that it features alternation between a fixed section (with unchanging melody and lyrics) and changing sections. There are significant differences, however. In the Indian form, the chorus-like section (the mukhra) typically occurs first, later occurrences of this section are often shortened, and the verse-like sections (antaras) may differ musically as well as lyrically. Still, applying Western terms is useful in tracing the evolution of the form. Thus, we could describe “Awaz De Kahan Hai” as C–I–V1–C´–I–V2–C´ (where C´ is a shortened form of C); “Yeh Shaam Mastani” would be C–I–V1–C–I–V1–C–I–V1–C. In all of our analyses, V symbols with different numbers indicates sections that differ musically; sections that only differ lyrically are given the same number. Instrumental sections within a song usually differ, but we do not indicate that in our labeling. [2.5] In Tamil film music (Kollywood), different terms are used for formal sections, but the underlying conventions are very similar to those of Bollywood. Padmanabhan (2017b, 341) describes the typical form of a Kollywood songs as follows: intro humming (optional) 1st BGM pallavi 2nd BGM 1st caranam pallavi 3rd BGM 2nd caranam pallavi 4th BGM or end music “BGM” is short for “background music.” If the pallavi is likened to a mukhra and the caranams to antaras, this is almost exactly the pattern described above for Bollywood songs. The “intro humming” and first BGM could be regarded as an instrumental introduction, which is standard in Bollywood songs as well; a closing instrumental—“end music”—is also common in Bollywood songs. Padmanabhan also notes that the caranams are “analogous to a verse,” while the pallavi “recurs like a refrain” (2017b, 341). 3. Formal Conventions in Western Popular Music [3.1] Formal conventions of Western popular music have been touched upon already and will be well known to regular readers of MTO; we will review them only briefly here. Since the 1960s, the prevalent formal pattern across a wide range of popular styles (pop, rock, country, R&B, metal, and others) has been verse–chorus form, featuring an alternation between verses (with the same melody on each occurrence but different lyrics) and choruses (with fixed melody and lyrics). The most common instantiations of verse–chorus form are represented by the diagram in Example 4. The vast majority of songs begin with two verse–chorus pairs (VCUs). This may be followed by a third VCU or a single chorus ending the song. More often, however, the second VCU is followed by a contrasting section: either an instrumental section (often based on the harmonic progression of the verse or chorus) or a bridge, or occasionally both. This then leads most often to a final chorus, or perhaps a third VCU. Since the 1980s, many songs have featured a prechorus, an independent section between the verse and chorus; in post-millennial songs, a postchorus following each chorus has become common. [Example 4 approximately here] [3.2] Verses and choruses have different characteristic features. Choruses usually contain the title of the song and often feature internal lyric repetition. They tend to have thicker instrumentation than verses (often backing vocals are added) and the lead vocal tends to have a higher melodic range. Choruses often feature a lower density of melodic notes than verses: slower rhythms and more gaps between phrases. Generally, it has been suggested that choruses are higher in energy than verses—reflected in their thicker instrumentation and higher vocal range—but also prioritize memorability, reflected in their internal repetition and lower note density (de Clercq 2012, 40; Temperley 2018, 161). Here too, there are parallels with traditional Bollywood form, at least with regard to lyrics: the mukhra usually contains the song title and frequently contains lyric repetition. 4. Formal Patterns in Bollywood Songs, 1980 to the Present [4.1] To examine formal patterns in recent Indian film music, we created a corpus of Bollywood songs from 1980 to the present. We used several sources. The BBC Asian Network (2014) provides a list of the 100 greatest Bollywood songs of all time, selected by a panel of experts. Forty of the songs are from 1980 or later (the latest is from 2012); we included all of these in our corpus. In order to include some later songs, we found three lists of Bollywood songs from the 2010s: one from Amazon Music, one from YouTube, and one from Spotify. Fifteen songs appeared on all three lists; we added these to our corpus, creating a set of 55 songs in all, roughly evenly spread from 1980 through 2017. The corpus is rather small—the addition of further data would certainly be desirable—but it is sufficient to bring out some fairly strong patterns of formal structure and historical change. [4.2] We analyzed the form of each song in the corpus. In general, we limited ourselves to three symbols: C (chorus), V (verse), and instrumental (I). In terms of Hindi terminology, these correspond roughly to mukhra, antara, and music, respectively. We generally required sections to be eight or more measures in length, at least in their initial occurrence (later occurrences of a section might be shorter). Identifying instrumental sections was relatively straightforward. We then identified the chorus as a section with the following features: 1. Occurs at least three times 2. Occurs immediately before the first instrumental section 3. Is the last vocal section of the entire song 4. Contains the song title in its lyrics 5. Has the same lyrics on each occurrence [4.3] In most cases, there was one section that met all of these criteria. This in itself is a substantive observation; there is no guarantee that any section in a song would meet all five criteria. In cases where there was no such section, we chose the section that seemed to meet the criteria best on balance. In every song, there was at least one section that seemed to meet the criteria reasonably well. Once the chorus was labeled, we usually labeled the remaining vocal sections as verses. If two verses in a song shared the same melody and harmonic progression, we labeled them as the same verse type; each verse type was assigned a number (V1, V2, or occasionally V3) in order of its first appearance in the song. Differences in lyric content between verses are not reflected in the labeling. Most often, repeated occurrences of a verse type differ in lyrics. [4.4] A few songs had a section that did not seem to fit any of our standard labels (V, C, or I). Some songs contained a section that was distinct from the main chorus but had chorus-like features such as internal lyric repetition and ensemble vocals. When such a section consistently followed the chorus, we called it a post-chorus (Po); otherwise we labeled it as X. We also used X for other sections that were hard to categorize. A vocal section occurring just once at the end of the song was labeled as an outro (O). [4.5] Once the songs were analyzed in this way, we created a paradigmatic analysis. This is a method used in semiotic analysis in which musical representations are combined in such a way that corresponding elements in the representations are vertically aligned (Nattiez 1982; Wiggins 2010). Usually this method has been used to highlight motivic connections between melodic segments within a piece; we are not aware that it has been used with formal structures. Our paradigmatic analysis is shown in Example 5. The first occurrence of each verse type in a song (e.g. V1 or V2) is underlined, for reasons we will explain. Most songs begin with an instrumental introduction, and some end with an instrumental section as well; these sections are omitted. Immediate repetitions of a single section are condensed into a single symbol, and occurrences of a section may differ in length; non-initial occurrences of a chorus are often shortened. The paradigmatic analysis neglects many interesting details of the songs’ formal structures; its purpose is to facilitate comparison between songs, bringing out commonalities while also highlighting important differences. [Example 5 approximately here] [4.6] Before proceeding, we should note that there is some subjectivity in all aspects of this process: in the identification of sections (does a span of music qualify as a section, or is it two sections or part of a larger section?); in the identification of two sections as “the same” (deserving the same label); in the choice of labels for each section; and in the alignment of the analyses in the paradigmatic analysis. No doubt, different analysts would sometimes make different choices about these matters. Such decisions might be affected by one’s musical experience. One of us (Kulothparan) has extensive personal experience with Indian film music, both Bollywood and Kollywood, going back to childhood. The other one (Temperley) has only limited experience with the style. Despite these differences in background, we found that we usually agreed on matters of formal analysis and other analytical issues. [4.7] It can be seen in Example 5 that a certain sequence of sections is common across a large number of songs: C–I–V–C, where V is the first occurrence of that verse type in the song. (It may or may not be the first occurrence of any verse in the song.) The pattern often starts the song, or at least is near the beginning. We call this pattern the “core.” In Example 5, elements of the core are shown in red and are vertically aligned. While the verse of the core may be either V1 or V2, it is always underlined, indicating that it is the first occurrence of that verse. In 52 out of 55 songs, all four elements of the core are present. In 34 of these cases, the four core sections are consecutive; in the remaining cases, other sections intervene. In general, the sequence of sections after the core is somewhat less consistent, though it would not be unreasonable to extend the core to include a following instrumental and perhaps even a verse after that. [4.8] The songs in Example 5 are arranged chronologically. This brings out a striking historical pattern. The great majority of songs before 2000 (22 out of 25) begin with a chorus, and 18 out of 25 begin with an uninterrupted core: C–I–V1–C. Songs after 2000 are much less consistent. Roughly speaking, they can be grouped into three categories. Songs in Category 1 continue to adhere to the pre-millennial norm, beginning with a chorus that starts a (usually uninterrupted) core; “Guzarish” (2008) is an example. In a few songs, the first chorus is preceded by a distinct chorus-like “X” section; we put these in category 1 as well. Category 1 songs resemble the mukhda-antara form discussed earlier, since both begin with a chorus-like section followed by instrumental and verse-like sections. [4.9] In the remaining post-millennial songs, the first chorus is preceded by a verse. As noted earlier, the verse of the core is (by definition) always the first occurrence of that verse type. Thus, if the core is preceded by a verse, it is always a different verse type from the verse in the core; it is labeled V1 since it occurs first, and the verse of the core becomes V2. We find it useful to split these “verse-first” songs into two categories. In Category 2 songs, there is just a single instance of V1 before V2. In many of these cases, V1 is followed by an uninterrupted core, creating the pattern V1–C–I–V2–C; “Tere Liye” (2004) is an example. In Category 3 songs, there are multiple (usually two) instances of V1 before the first occurrence of V2, most often in the pattern V1–C–V1–C–I–V2–C; “Kal Ho Naa Ho” (2003) is an example. To summarize, showing just the essential features of each category: Category 1 (begins with chorus): C ... Category 2 (just one occurrence of V1 before V2): V1 ... V2 .... Category 3 (more than one occurrence of V1 before V2): V1 ... V1 ... V2 ... [4.10] By these criteria, out of the 30 post-millennial songs, ten are in category 1, 14 are in category 2, and 6 are in category 3. Generally speaking, then, Example 5 reflects a shift from a fairly consistent approach to form before 2000 toward a greater variety of approaches after 2000. [4.11] The most distinctive feature of the post-millennial songs, in relation to the pre-millennial ones, is the insertion of a verse before the first chorus; this occurs in 20 of the 30 post-millennial songs. We suspect this historical shift is due to the influence of Western verse–chorus form. The influence of Western popular music on Bollywood music has gotten stronger over time (Manuel 1993, 10; Booth 2008, 25–26). There is little sign of such influence before the late twentieth century. With regard to harmonic structure, the 1946 song presented in Example 3 is essentially built on a prolonged tonic harmony, similar to the tonic-plus-dominant drone that accompanies traditional Indian music (Jairazbhoy 1971, 65). By the 1980s, Bollywood songs feature harmonic progressions similar to those in Western popular music. Songs from the 1980s onward also reflect increasing use of modern Western pop instrumentation: synthesizers, electric guitars, and Western drum sounds (Booth 2008; Beaster-Jones 2015). So it would not be surprising if Western influence affected formal conventions as well. The integration of Indian and Western formal conventions was perhaps facilitated by the fact that both pre-millennial Indian song form and Western pop form feature a “chorus-like” section—one that typically occurs three (or more) times with unchanging lyrics that include the title. Adding a verse before the initial chorus of a song essentially creates a verse-chorus unit, similar to that typically found at the beginning of Western popular songs, while allowing the rest of the song to follow Indigenous norms. [4.12] The connection with Western pop form is especially close in the case of Category 3 songs. Western pop songs nearly always begin with two verse-chorus units; this is often followed by an instrumental or a bridge, or occasionally both, and then by a third chorus (see Example 4). The typical pattern of Category 3 songs—V1–C–V1–C–I–V2–C—fits this schema quite well. As we noted with regard to Examples 1 and 2, the V2 of Bollywood songs does not usually feature the avoidance of tonic harmony characteristic of pre-millennial Western bridges, nor does it simply repeat the progression of the verse, as many post-millennial Western bridges do; these factors make it feel more like a distinct verse. Still, Category 3 seems to reflect strong Western influence. The Category-2 pattern (V1–C–I–V2–C) represents a new formal type that balances Western and earlier Indian influences. 5. The Internal Structure of Sections and Formal Ambiguities [5.1] In analyzing the songs in our corpus, we tended to avoid labeling very short spans of music as sections; most sections are at least eight measures in length, and many are much longer. To explore Indian song form more deeply, we must consider the internal structure of song sections. In some cases, multiple analyses are possible; these formal ambiguities point to the complexity and subtlety of Indian song structure, both in its traditional form and in its engagement with Western conventions. [5.2] Example 6A shows a formal pattern for the first part of a song that is common in the pre-millennial portion of our corpus (from 1980 through 2000). The opening chorus has a symmetrical three-part structure, which we could label Ca–Cb–Ca. An instrumental section follows, then a verse (reflecting the “core” pattern discussed earlier). The verse has two subsections, which we label V1a and V1b. V1a presents new melodic material; V1b is melodically the same as Cb but with different lyrics. Following the verse is an abbreviated chorus: just Ca, which has the same lyrics on each occurrence. This pattern follows the traditional mukhra–antara structure of Bollywood song, as described in earlier discussions (surveyed in section 2 above) and reflected in the mid-century song shown in Example 3. Example 7 shows a song in our corpus that exemplifies this pattern, from 1981. This structure creates a formal ambiguity with regard to the grouping of subsections. If Cb is part of the chorus, that suggests that the second occurrence of this melodic passage could be part of the chorus as well. However, Cb does not usually feature the title phrase and thus does not seem internally chorus-like, and the lyrics of the second occurrence of its melody usually differ from the first (as is the case in Example 7); these factors make the second occurrence of the Cb melody seem like part of the verse. These two possibilities are shown (in boldface) in Example 6A. This kind of ambiguity does not affect our paradigmatic analysis, since it simply concerns the exact location of the boundary between V1 and the following C. While we call these sections “chorus” and “verse” so as to facilitate comparison with later songs, there is little sign of Western influence in Example 6; considering the song on its own, it would be more appropriate to refer to the chorus and verse as mukhra and antara, respectively. Even in those terms, however, there is some ambiguity as to the boundary between the first antara and the following mukhra; the same ambiguity arises in Example 3. [Example 6 approximately here] [Example 7 approximately here] [5.3] Formal ambiguities arise in later songs as well. As noted earlier, post-millennial Indian film songs often add a verse before the first chorus; in many cases, this initial verse has two parts, which we could once again label V1a and V1b (see Example 6B). After the chorus and instrumental, the second verse, V2, begins with new harmonic/melodic material (V2a); the second part (V2b) has the same melody as V1b but different lyrics. Examples 1 and 2 show an instance of this pattern; several other post-millennial songs in our corpus have this structure as well. In Example 1, V1b is labeled as a prechorus, which seems justified by its characteristic prechorus features, especially the avoidance of tonic harmony. In making the paradigmatic analysis, however, we felt that including prechoruses was too complex. We generally treat each prechorus as part of the preceding verse, as reflected in the first analysis shown in boldface in Example 6B. Again, though, there is a formal ambiguity here. The second analysis in Example 6B represents V1b as a prechorus; it could also be considered part of the chorus, as shown in the third analysis. [5.4] There is a clear parallel between the pre-millennial pattern in Example 6A and the post-millennial one in Example 6B with regard to the repetition of sections; these repetitions are highlighted by arcs and “=/≈” symbols. Seen in this way, the shift from the first pattern to the second is simply the replacement of the first part of the first chorus with verse material. The ambiguous formal cues discussed above add musical interest and cohesion, creating a network of connections between sections and subsections. In Example 6A, the fact that V1a and V1b both have new lyrics connects them together (whereas the following Ca repeats earlier lyrics), but the fact that V1a has a new melody whereas V1b and Ca repeat earlier melodic material connects the latter two sections together. A similar point could be made about Example 6B: V2b could group either with V2a (based on lyrical novelty) or with C (based on melodic repetition). [5.5] The pattern in Example 6B could be seen as a strategy for integrating Western verse–chorus form with traditional Indian song form. It is not the only such strategy, however. The song in Example 8, “Abhi Mujh Mein Kahin” (composed by Ajay Ashok Gogavale and Atul Ashok Gogavale), shows a different way of achieving the same goal (this song is not in our corpus). The first large section of the song—up to the first instrumental—has an A–B–A structure, with the A sections containing the title phrase; in these ways it resembles the traditional form discussed earlier, reflected in Examples 3 and 7. Beyond that, however, there are striking differences. The A section starts on tonic harmony and begins in a fairly low melodic register; the first eight-measure phrase of the B section rises in register and avoids tonic harmony; the next eight-measure phrase of the B section rises still further in register and returns to tonic harmony, ending with a very conventional Western cadence—IV–V–I with scale-degree ^1[DN2.1] in the melody. (This eight-measure phrase is then repeated, with different lyrics in the first half and repeated lyrics in the second half.) The texture also steadily thickens: just piano in the verse (with occasional zither fills), added synthesized strings in the first part of B, and added percussion in the second part of B. In all of these ways, the A and B sections together present a conventional verse–prechorus–chorus pattern. Only the brief return to the A at the end (just four measures this time instead of eight) departs from this convention. This strategy is shown schematically in Example 6C. Because of the brevity of the second A, it seems most logical to treat it as part of the chorus (as in the first boldface analysis in Example 6C) rather than as a return to the verse (as in the second analysis). Here, then, we see an alternative way of reconciling Western verse–chorus form with traditional Indian song form. Later in the article we discuss a song from our corpus that uses the same strategy. [Example 8 approximately here] 6. Contrasting Verses [6.1] Bollywood songs function similarly to musical numbers in movie musicals or Disney films. They are integrated into the plot of the film and are often used to mark turning points in the plot or express a character’s emotions. Bollywood songs typically feature actors lip-syncing to pre-recorded audio while performing choreographed dances or dramatic scenes. Singers, often referred to as playback singers, give their voices to these songs off-screen. While many of these songs appear to be generic love songs when viewed in isolation, they are also embedded into a film highlighting moments of that film’s plot. Videos of Bollywood songs are usually clips from the film, though in some cases they are created separately (e.g. montages of film scenes). [6.2] One notable musical feature that distinguishes Bollywood songs from Western pop songs is their use of multiple verses that differ not only lyrically but also melodically, as seen in “Balam Pichkari” (Examples 1 and 2). While some pre-millennial Bollywood songs feature contrasting verses, they become even more common in post-millennial songs, as seen in Example 5. (Every song containing “V2” has contrasting verses.) The use of contrasting verses is interesting to examine not only in purely musical terms but also from a narrative perspective. In Western pop songs, choruses typically convey the central message, while verses provide supporting details or a narrative context (Everett 2009, 145; Nobile 2020, 71). Indian pop reflects this strategy in a different way: differentiating verses melodically as well as lyrically allows for more room to elaborate a song’s narrative and expressive themes. Given Bollywood’s close connection with film, where songs underscore pivotal emotional or narrative moments, contrasting verses can allow for different character perspectives, narrative development, or shifts in mood. Sometimes each verse’s music aligns expressively with its lyrics; other times, the contrast between verses serves more broadly to distinguish characters or emotional states, even if the music is not tightly connected to the text. In either case, the varying of melodies in the verses plays a significant role in the narrative of the song and/or film. Discussions of three film songs will illustrate these points. We will also use this occasion to highlight cases where Indian song sections reflect the typical section features of Western popular music. [6.3] Songs featuring a single vocalist often explore the character’s emotions about pivotal issues in the film. One such example is “Raabta” (2017), from the film Agent Vinod, composed by the duo Sachin-Jigar (see Example 9). The song—sung by the film’s main male character—reflects the singer’s love for his partner, and the two verses explore different aspects of this emotion. The song’s overall structure, V1–C–I–V2–V1–C, could be seen as a variant of the Category 2 structure discussed earlier: there are two verse types, with only one occurrence of V1 before V2. The first four measures of V1 return at the end of the chorus (though with a slightly altered melody and chord progression); this recalls the ABA pattern common in pre-millennial choruses, but now the ABA is transformed into a verse–chorus pair. (In this way the song resembles “Abhi Mujh Mein Kahin,” Example 8, discussed earlier; as in that case, we treat the brief second A as part of the chorus.) The first verse (V1) is marked by constant eighth notes and a relatively high level of rhythmic density. In this verse, the lyrics speak of love as a fated experience. The male vocalist expresses his belief that meeting his true love was destined by a higher power. The chorus that follows includes typical chorus features such as higher vocal register, the title lyric, and internal repetition. [6.4] Verse 2 contrasts with Verse 1 both lyrically and musically. The surface rhythmic activity slows down, creating a sense of pause or reflection. This shift is accompanied by a lyrical shift as well. Moving away from love as fate, this verse narrates a past moment when the narrator met his love. The lyrics use imagery and analogies: the singer describes his lover as a “bright star” and likens their meeting to a lifeboat reaching shore. Verse 1 returns after Verse 2, with the same spiritual discussion of love and higher rhythmic density. This could be interpreted as the narrator returning to his perspective of love as fate. Thus, Verses 1 and 2, and their contrasting melodic and rhythmic characteristics, contrast the two ways in which the narrator interprets his love. The use of contrasting verses to present different perspectives on love is common in Bollywood songs, as many of these films are centered around a love story. [Example 9 approximately here] [6.5] “Bahara” (2010), from the film I Hate Luv Storys and composed by Vishal-Shekhar, is another song featuring a solo vocalist (see Example 10). This song, sung by the film’s main female character, captures two different aspects of falling in love through contrasting verses. In Verse 1, love is presented as dreamy and playful—the singer describes her beloved “tiptoeing on her sleepy eyes.” The melody mirrors the lyrics’ lightheartedness, with short, repeated two-note patterns creating a lilting quality. The chorus that follows includes lyrical repetition of the title, lower syllabic density, and increased instrumental texture, all of which are typical characteristics of choruses in both Bollywood and Western pop. [6.6] In Verse 2, both the melodic and lyrical tone shift. The phrases are longer and more ornamented, highlighting the singer’s skills. The ornamentation creates a looser structure in the melodic line and may make the phrase lengths unclear to the listener. This reflects the uncertainty that emerges in the lyrics. Now, the singer’s loved one seems elusive, as he is “sometimes on the earth, sometimes on the moon.” The singer also desires to “keep him close,” introducing a sense of longing and showing a slightly darker side to the singer’s love. The second iteration of V2 (Verse 2B) continues to evoke a sense of longing as the singer uses “every breath, every moment of life” to long for her loved one. The song’s overall structure is V1–C–I–V2–C–I–V2–C–V1–C. The return to Verse 1 at the end, with the exact same lyrics, is significant. It might represent a way for the song to return to a sense of joy, creating a moment of narrative closure. It could also be interpreted as the singer’s denial of the darker and uncertain side of her love. Overall, “Bahara” is an example of how the melodies of contrasting verses can align closely with the lyrics. [Example 10 approximately here] [6.7] While “Raabta” and “Bahara” demonstrate how contrasting verses can be expressed by a single voice, many Bollywood songs include multiple vocalists. One example is “Kajra Re” (2005), from the film Bunty Aur Babli, composed by Shankar-Ehsaan-Loy (see Example 11). This song is considered an item number, a genre of song in Indian cinema. Item numbers are “detachable elements of the film that have no necessary bearing on the larger film narrative and often feature an equally detachable ‘item girl,’” whose appearance is typically limited to the song itself (Gehlawat 2016, 49). In this case, “Kajra Re” appears in a nightclub scene where the two main characters are being pursued by a police officer. The song interrupts the main storyline with a dance performance by Aishwarya Rai, who makes her only appearance in the film during this song. While it serves primarily as a star-driven interlude rather than advancing the plot, “Kajra Re” still features contrasting verses that support the song’s narrative. [6.8] The structure of the song is as follows: V1–C–I–V2–C–I–V2–C–I–V3–C. (We will refer to the two occurrences of V2 as V2A and V2B. The addition of a third verse type—V3—is unusual, as can be seen in Example 5.) After a sung introduction, a female vocalist presents Verse 1. Here, the vocalist sings about heartache with statements like “I’ve lost all my peace and joy.” Musically, this verse is distinguished by a lighter accompaniment texture, featuring just harmonium and percussion. The melody has a higher rhythmic density than the introductory vocals and later verses, with ornamentation and repetition of some lines. Lyrically, there is a sense of restlessness that is emphasized by the melody. Verses 2A and 2B introduce more playful and flirtatious lyrics and are structured as a vocal trio with the female and male singers. The opening lines, sung by the female voice, have a lower rhythmic density compared to V1. The male voices are much more energized with increased rhythmic activity. This call-and-response structure between the cool, diffident woman and the eager, agitated men brings out the asymmetrical nature of their flirting. Both V2A and V2B include a thicker instrumental texture compared to V1, with the addition of strings and heavier percussion. Verse 3 marks a further departure from the previous verses. Sung entirely by the male vocalists, this section features a significant acceleration in tempo; yet the rhythmic activity seems more relaxed. The accompaniment reverts to the lighter texture of V1, drawing more attention to the lyrics and tempo change. This verse recalls a past encounter in Old Delhi and references a memento left behind, highlighting a shift from the tension of the previous verses to a more reflective story. The faster tempo could be connected to the lyrics racing through the narrator’s significant memories with his love. The last four measures of V3 repeat the second part of the first occurrence of V2 (melody and lyrics), returning to the flirtatious character of that section. [Example 11 approximately here] [6.9] Each of these verses presents a different perspective on love and relationships. The song begins with the suffering of love, then moves onto the seduction of love, and ends with the nostalgia of love. Although these perspectives are different, they are unified by a recurring prechorus and chorus that follows each of the verses. The prechorus is the same plea each time— “Come, I long for you”—though its meaning is subtly colored by the preceding verses: after the first verse, it seems desperate and hurting; after the second verse, it seems seductive or flirtatious; and after the third verse, it seems wistful. Musically, this prechorus avoids tonic harmony at the beginning of each phrase and features an increase in syllabic density. The chorus includes multiple voices and intense lyrical repetition, both typical chorus features. [6.10] All three of the songs discussed here underscore themes of love, which may make our interpretations seem similar. However, each song takes a different approach to contrasting verses. “Raabta” presents broader contrasting verses: nostalgic versus present-day perspectives on love through a single vocalist. “Bahara” presents two different perspectives on love, a playful one and a longing one, each closely aligned with its musical features. Finally, “Kajra Re” features three different singers, who express different perspectives of love unified by a prechorus whose meaning shifts depending on the perspective. These songs show how contrasting verses can help to highlight different ways in which love, an important theme in Bollywood films, can be conveyed and interpreted. The three songs also illustrate contrasting ways of embedding a song within a film: In “Raabta” and “Bahara,” the song is tightly connected to the main story of the film, whereas in “Kajre Re,” the song is essentially independent of the story. 7. Conclusions [7.1] Indian film music offers a fascinating illustration of how a popular style evolves and transforms in response to new influences. This evolution is reflected most clearly in the shift, around 2000, from a “chorus-first” norm—in which a chorus-like section, one that occurs repeatedly with unchanging lyrics, begins the song—to a “verse-first” norm, a development that we have suggested is most likely due to Western influence. Emulation of Western pop can be seen also in the incorporation of musical features that distinguish choruses from verses—features such as higher melodic range, lower syllabic density, and thicker texture (Examples 8, 9, and 10 are illustrative); we see little evidence of these features in pre-millennial Indian songs (such as Examples 3 and 7). Despite these signs of Western influence, the retention of the C–I–V–C “core” in many post-millennial songs, after the initial verse, shows the enduring power of Indigenous conventions. By making this initial verse harmonically and melodically different from the second one—creating a V1–C–I–V2–C pattern—songwriters retained the pre-millennial convention of following the first instrumental with new material, heard for the first time. In this way, a new formal paradigm was born, unlike anything in Western popular music or earlier Indian popular music. [7.2] While we have pointed to commonalities between post-millennial Indian popular music and Western popular music, it seems that, in some respects at least, these commonalities are stronger with pre-millennial rather than post-millennial Western popular music. In particular, the use of harmony to create sectional contrast is a shared feature of post-millennial Indian pop and pre-millennial Western pop/rock, and sets them apart from post-millennial Western pop, which is often built on simple harmonic loops repeating through an entire song (Adams 2019; Nobile 2022; Stroud 2022). This seems to point to a pattern of delayed influence between Western popular music and Indian popular music. Our informal impression is that other popular genres—such as EDM and hip-hop—also rose to prominence in India somewhat later than they did in Western nations (though further study is needed to confirm this observation). It would be interesting to examine whether this pattern of delayed Western influence appears in other forms of non-Western popular music as well. [7.3] The current study points to a number of possible directions for further research on Indian popular music. There are further issues to explore even with regard to form. One issue concerns introductory material. Nearly all songs have an introductory section, and these sections are often considerably more complex than those in Western popular music (where the “intro” most often simply presents the harmonic progression of the verse or chorus). We have not discussed these introductions or shown them in our transcriptions, but they can be heard in the recordings indicated in the example captions. Sometimes introductions have vocal material, but set apart from the rest of the song in some way; it may be vocalese, e.g., sung on “ooh” or “la” (as in “Mere Nasaab Mein,” Example 7), unmetered (as in “Kajra Re,” Example 11), or sung by someone who is not one of the song’s main singers, sometimes in a traditional style (“Bahara” [Example 10] exemplifies both of these features). In addition, once the tempo of the song is established, we may hear an isolated vocal phrase—sometimes an anticipation of the first phrase of the verse, separated from it by a measure or more of rest; both “Balam Pichkari” (Examples 1 and 2) and “Kajra Re” (Example 11) exemplify this. We are not sure whether these introductory conventions reflect the influence of earlier Indigenous styles or perhaps function to ease the narrative transition into the song in some way. [7.4] Another aspect of form that we have mostly neglected in our discussions and transcriptions is instrumental sections. Most Indian film songs, both pre-millennial and post-millennial, have multiple instrumental sections, as can be seen in Example 5. Usually a song’s instrumentals are quite different from one another and also harmonically different from the vocal sections (unlike in Western popular music, where instrumentals most often use the harmonic progression of the verse or chorus). The phrase structure of instrumental sections can be quite complex. Often the main body of the section features a square hypermetrical structure (e.g., eight measures), but is followed by a short, contrasting instrumental phrase that sets up the following vocal section; this is seen in the first instrumental sections of “Raabta” (Example 9, 1:45, 8+4 measures), “Bahara” (Example 10, 1:06, 8+2 measures) and “Kajra Re” (Example 11, 2:20, 8+3 measures). Creators of Indian film songs seem to use instrumental sections to create contrast with vocal sections while maintaining some connections with them—for example, by using some of the same harmonies but adding others. [7.5] We have touched on local details of songs—harmony, melody, rhythm, phrase structure, texture—when they relate to form, but these aspects of Indian film music are certainly of interest in their own right. While a full treatment of harmony and melody in Indian film music is beyond our scope here, it seems clear that these aspects—like formal structure—represents a fusion of Indigenous and Western traditions. While many of the harmonic and melodic patterns in our examples could be found in Western songs, others seem well outside the musical language of Western pop: consider the second part of V2 in “Kajra Re” (Example 11), which appears to use a scale containing both bˆ7 and #ˆ4 (sometimes known as the “acoustic” scale). Other songs in our corpus have interesting uses of the bˆ2[DN3.1] scale-degree, such as “Choli Ke Peeche,” “Guzarish,” and “Meherbaan.” [DN4.1] All of these aspects of Indian film music deserve further study—not just in their own right, but as a window into broader issues of popular music style and stylistic change.
Hanisha Kulothparan
University of Rochester
hkulothp@ur.rochester.edu
David Temperley
University of Rochester
dtemperley@esm.rochester.edu
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Footnotes
1. Definitions of popular music vary; by one widely cited definition, it is music “created largely by professionals, sold in a mass market, and reproduced through mass media” (Middleton and Horn 1981, 1), In ethnomusicology, the field of non-Western popular music studies took shape with Peter Manuel’s Popular Musics of the Non-Western World (1988). Since then, there have been many studies covering a wide variety of non-Western styles. Regarding Indian popular music, examples include Booth and Shope 2013, Beaster-Jones 2015, Padmanabhan 2017a and 2017b, and Sarrazin 2020.
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2. Several recent studies examine various aspects of non-Western pop music but say little about formal structure. Noriko Manabe (2006) explores how Japanese rappers adapt global hip-hop styles to local linguistic and sociopolitical contexts, focusing on issues of language and globalization; Chris Stover (2024) analyzes musical prosody in Brazilian popular song, emphasizing the relationship between lyrics and rhythm; Edwin Li (2021) investigates the interaction between speech melody and sung melody in Cantopop, centering on phonetic and prosodic elements rather than formal organization; and Maxwell Ramage (2023) examines the “Royal Road Progression” in Japanese popular music, focusing on harmony.
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3. Among the many books and articles that give extensive discussion to form in Western popular music are Stephenson 2002, Covach 2005, Neal 2007, Osborn 2013, de Clercq 2017a and 2017b, Temperley 2018, Heetderks 2020, Nobile 2020, Stroud 2022, and Schwitzgebel 2025.
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4. The verse is preceded by an isolated vocal phrase that is repeated when the verse actually begins (at 0:51 in the video). This is rather common, as we discuss later.
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5. De Clercq (2012) also surveys the views of other authors, broadly supporting the points made here and later in the article about form in Western popular music.
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6. Beginning a song with two VCUs remains the norm in post-millennial pop (Adams 2019, 34).
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7. Natalie Rose Sarrazin (2020) provides a useful general survey of popular music in India, stating that “Indian film music, often referred to as Bollywood, is by far India’s most popular music genre” (96). Authoritative data on sales and streams of Indian popular songs is difficult to find. Among the most popular YouTube videos of Indian songs, about half are film songs (https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLMRKdK25AuPVtUKMF2ROAZNKt0-t7iBJ0).
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8. One of us (Kulothparan) has studied formal conventions in Kollywood music, finding they are very similar to those of Bollywood music.
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9. The playback singer is a particularly distinctive role in Indian cinema. Unlike early decades when actors performed their own vocals on screen, playback singing has become the dominant practice. Audiences are aware of this division of labor; playback singers, music directors, and actors are all celebrated in their own right.
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10. The playback singer is a particularly distinctive role in Indian cinema. Unlike early decades when actors performed their own vocals on screen, playback singing has become the dominant practice. Audiences are aware of this division of labor; playback singers, music directors, and actors are all celebrated in their own right.
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11. This is essentially Beaster-Jones’s analysis as well (2015, 35). He points out, however, that different analyses are possible depending on whether one prioritizes melody or lyrics (34); we will return to this point.
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12. This is essentially Beaster-Jones’s analysis as well (2015, 35). He points out, however, that different analyses are possible depending on whether one prioritizes melody or lyrics (34); we will return to this point.
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13. While Bollywood tends to follow North Indian classical terminology, Kollywood, Mollywood, and Tollywood draw from South Indian classical terminology. These genres are regionally distinct but many of the concepts are quite similar due to their shared roots in art and devotional musics. Tamil film music has roots in the kriti song form of south India (Padmanabhan 2017b, 341).
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14. Padmanabhan (2017b, 341) notes that a third caranam is optional—presumably followed by a final pallavi. Kulothparan (2025) surveys other descriptions of Kollywood song form.
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15. For general discussions of Western pop/rock form, see Covach 2005, de Clercq 2012, and Temperley 2018. Regarding distinctive features of post-millennial pop form (e.g. the “postchorus”), see Spicer 2011 and Barna 2020.
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16. “The panel compiling the 100 songs included Asian Network presenters, Raj and Pablo and Noreen Khan, British Indian rapper and hip-hop singer, Hard Kaur, Bollywood film expert, Dr Rajinder Dudrah and Indian film critic and entertainment reporter, Rajeev Masand” (BBC Asian Network, 2013).
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17. “Amazon 100 Best 2010s Hindi Songs” (music.amazon.in/playlists/B0821LYBJ); “Hindi Songs 2011 to 2020” (youtube.com/playlist?list=PLGVlK6upy9sjQXAWo8BYCZeAZiuc8Deov); “Hot Hindi Hits 2010-2020” (open.spotify.com/playlist/4wJLkwU84uscxJ7SOlmUX1).
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18. Sometimes there are multiple versions of a song (on YouTube and elsewhere); in some cases, versions may differ in formal structure. In that case we favored a YouTube version that was long, from a reputable distributor, and with a large number of views; usually these three criteria all point to the same version. For songs from the 2010s, we used the version on the Spotify list.
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19. Clearly there could not be more than one section meeting the criteria, since two sections cannot both meet criterion 2 or criterion 3.
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20. We always label the first chorus of the song as the first chorus of the core; alternatively, one might label the first core chorus as the one immediately before the first instrumental, in which case another seven songs would have an uninterrupted core.
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21. This shift in stylistic norms was no doubt somewhat gradual, and we attach no special significance to the year 2000; we treat this as the point of change just for simplicity.
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22. Several other pre-millennial songs in the corpus reflect this pattern or a close variant of it. “Ek Do Teen” follows the pattern exactly. In “Dekha Ek Khwab,” V1b is melodically similar to Cb, though not identical. “Sun Sahiba Sun Pyaar Ki Dhun” follows the pattern except that the first chorus is A–B–A–B–A (not A–B–A), and the second chorus is A–B–A. In “Jumma Chumma De De,” V1b includes only the last phrase of Cb.
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23. “Tere Liye” and “Mauja Hi Mauja” follow this pattern exactly. “Kajra Re” (Example 9) and “Sunn Raha Hai” follow the pattern except that V1b and V2b share the same lyrics as well as melody.
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24. In particular, including prechoruses would complicate the identification of the “core,” since the core would be C–I–V–C in some cases and C–I–V–P–C in others. Treating the prechorus as secondary in importance to the verse and chorus seems to be a common practice; songs are often described to be in “verse-chorus form” or to contain “verse-chorus units” even when they also include prechoruses (Doll 2011; Temperley 2018; Adams 2019; Stroud 2022).
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25. Formal ambiguity arises in Western pop/rock as well, though in different ways. For example, de Clercq (2017a) notes cases where a section may be interpreted either as the chorus of one VCU or the “link” between one VCU and the next. See also Heetderks 2020.
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26. The fact that the verse, rather than the chorus, contains the title phrase is another departure from the standard verse-chorus schema—though if the chorus includes the second A, then it does contain the title!
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27. Several other points should be made with regard to the formal status of the second A section. A four-measure interlude separates the B section from the second A, featuring the same instrumental material as the introduction; this passage resembles the “link” that typically separates the first verse-chorus unit from the second in Western popular music (Temperley, 2018, 172–73), suggesting that the second A might better be treated as the beginning of a new section. (We thank an anonymous reviewer for this point.) In addition, later occurrences of the A–B sequence omit the return to A. However, other points favor grouping the second A with the previous B section. The second A ends with I rather than vi, suggesting that it functions as a closing statement to the entire A–B–A section. In addition, the second A is followed by a lengthy (28-measure) instrumental section, introducing a new melody and a new key; as a result, the second A seems to group with the previous material more than with the following material.
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28. The version of “Raabta” analyzed here is from the Spotify playlist used in the corpus, which features a male vocalist. This differs from the version used in the film, where the song is performed by a female vocalist. However, both versions share the same lyrics and formal structure, still allowing for a narrative interpretation. Our analysis considers the song as a standalone musical narrative rather than as part of the film as a whole.
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29. Other examples of songs that narrate different perspectives of love within our corpus include “Sooraj Dooba Hain” and “London Thumakda.”
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30. There are some other songs that could be classified as item numbers in our corpus, namely “Munni Badnaam,” “Tip Tip Barsa Paani,” and “Beedi.”
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31. We do not treat the opening vocal section as a verse because it is unaccompanied and unmetered, which are characteristics often associated with introductions. We say more about this in section 7.
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32. Singing about love (and other topics) in an exaggerated way is common in Indian cinema.
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33. The re-reading of the prechorus as emotionally different with each verse echoes Jocelyn Neal’s (2007) concept of the Time-Shift narrative paradigm. Neal identifies this structure in country music, where a chorus takes on new meaning depending on the narrative content of the preceding verse.
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34. The bˆ2 degree is generally rare in Western pop, though it has become somewhat more common in recent years (Eron 2022).
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